Wednesday, January 29, 2020

United States South Korean Alliance Essay Example for Free

United States South Korean Alliance Essay About 55 years have been passed since the U. S. -R. O. K. alliance, a pillar of East Asia security indeed, which has been proven to be quite successful and beneficial to both the countries in the history of International Relations. For the Republic of Korea, the security guaranteed by this alliance has acted as a major instrument for its transformation. While on the other end, the United States expresses its gratified sentiments to have played a vital role in supporting the progression of democracy, human rights and in holding out its aid for the very survival of the population in the Republic of Korea. A set of mutually related policies of understanding and agreement exist in this alliance. There happens to be a series of goals, whose accomplishment has been a shared responsibility of both the partners. A strong foundation indeed, this firm security alliance has turned the very relationship into a more mature and inclusive partnership for both the countries. However, lately, this longstanding alliance has undergone an intricate time. There exist a number of challenges which seem to pose quite a concentrated threat to this collaboration. Concerns are growing at both ends, with experts and historians wondering over what the future would be for this alliance. Nonetheless, deep down, both the parties foresee the much feared atrophy as a terrible mistake. â€Å"Experts say friction in the U. S. -South Korean relationship is hardly new, but the alliance has managed to endure. † And for a continued survival, both the countries need to envision a renewed perspective towards the very many present and forthcoming challenges. The History Following the post-World War II splitting of the peninsula between the then occupying forces of the United States in the south and the now called Soviet Union in the north, as the promised national elections continued to pend, the United Nations in 1948 finally pronounced the Republic of Korea (R. O. K. ) as the only legal and rightful government on the peninsula. This assertion was highly rejected by the Soviets. In retaliation, the Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK) invaded South Korea in 1950. This was the time when the United States held out its support and reached to the rescue. Insuperable challenges had to be faced as the struggle continued till 1953, and an armistice finally took effect. It was in 1954, that the United States and South Korea approached and mutually signed the U. S. -R. O. K. Mutual Security Agreement. In this, they corresponded to protect each other in the episode of outside aggression. Present Challenges to the Alliance Society does change with time. For natives it may be acceptable as it is about their own country, but when it is in relation to some other country, even if it is a coalition partner, things get a little complicated. For both South Korea and United States, the issue of raising public awareness , of the changes taking place in each other’s society is the biggest challenge fronting their alliance. The impact of the September 11 attacks on America, and the resulting magnitude of its effect wasn’t and still isn’t fully appreciated. Similarly, on the part of Americans, it is also tough for them to cope with the radical changes evolving within Korea. For America, the September 11 attacks chiefly affected their foreign relations, as well as the political, domestic and economic landscape. If considered in some other context, rather than that of September 11 and the subsequent fundamental changes it brought to the American society, the U. S. policy of fighting against terrorism and weapons of mass destruction and promoting the spread of autonomy and social equality as the best solution to extremist ideologies, creates unrest in the international community. Thereupon, the South Korean government unwaveringly and gallantly supported the war on terrorism, at the same time exposing itself as a fervent supporter of democracy around the world and playing an active role in encouraging constructive changes in the developing world. Such common interests of the two countries and next to no areas of conflict are a merit in their alliance. In 1998, South Korean President Kim Dae-jung adopted the â€Å"sunshine policy,† an Asian variant of the â€Å"Ostpolitik† policies pursued by West Germany toward the Communist East during the Cold War. Kim extended his proposal of economic and altruistic support to North Korea. In return it asked the North Korean government to be humble in recouping the contacts between long-divided families and other cultural concession, under the intention to defrost the inter-Korean relations. However, a generational divide largely exists in South Korea over how to handle it. The abysmal memory of the 1950 war that frets the older generation about relations with the DPRK, while the younger generation’s empathy with the impoverished North Korea, and who instead, has powerful reminiscence of their own nation’s tyrannical rule, are indeed two opposite sides of the picture. Due to this generational fault line, a paradigm shift has been brought about in the foreign policy objectives, as many Koreans of today’s time, who grew up in a room knowing only democracy, independence, freedom and global impact, no longer see North Korea as an enemy. Instead, they consider it a partner in need of support and understanding. They expect to achieve genuine peace, settlement and reunion through augmented exchanges and collaboration with North Korea. Now here, the North Korea’s nuclear program appears in the limelight, being a big challenge to South Korea and its alliance with the U. S. In 1994, four countries consisting of North and South Korea, Japan and the United States arrived at â€Å"Agreed Framework† Pact whose purpose was to end the North’s nuclear weapons research in return for economic and political privileges. In order to carry out the terms of the pact, the â€Å"Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization† (KEDO) was established by the United States, Japan and North Korea. But it wasn’t far away when North Korea started violating the agreement and troubles started rising. The U. S. President Bush terminated diplomatic talks with North Korea in 2001. The relations kept on fraying, and in 2005 when North Korea claimed that it has nuclear weapons, followed by the July 2006 long-range missile tests that it carried out, operated to further aggravate tensions. This made the U. S. to hard-boil against the DPRK. Due to this, South Korea, on the other end, also had to cut the humanitarian aid to its northern neighbor. At the same time, however, South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun, who did not want to lose ground on the progress that had been made so far in the inter-Korean relations, tried to give a lower profile to the July missile tests, being of the view that the weapons were not as much a bigger threat to the United States as they were for Seoul, the capital of South Korea. In reality, for South Korea, the North Korean nuclear weapons, is not a critical issue – it never was. In fact, its prime concern is how to settle the issue of national unification and incorporate North Korea back into the world’s most active region, whether or not there are nuclear weapons. In contrast, U. S. concerns are global and military. Being so over focused on the anti-terrorism issue, the United States has been emphasizing on denuclearizing the North, viewing this policy as a narrow addition to its anti-terrorism policy. Therefore, the attitude toward DPRK missile tests and the disapproval shown by the South Korean President towards such an increased authorization incensed the U. S. government. South Korea also, in return, objected the fact America is ignoring about all the gains it has made so far. Such beliefs and different strategic priorities have led to serious strains, resulting in the upsetting of the U. S. -South Korean alliance. Regarding the issue, the Six-Party talks among the United States, Russia, Japan, China, North and South Korea, was thought to act as a basis for a closer coordination between the two alliances, and also for the purpose of convincing North Korea to join the international community by giving up its nuclear weapons program, and getting out of its self-imposed remoteness.

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

Gender Equity, Is It Really Important in the Classroom? Essay -- Teachi

Gender Equity, Is It Really Important in the Classroom? There are many differences between boys and girls in the classroom. Most people do not realize this, but it is a proven fact. Gender differences in math and science are very evident. Teachers subconsciously treat boys with a higher degree of respect when it comes to math and science than they do girls. The roles of boys and girls are set at very young ages (Butler and Damnjanovic, 1997). Actually, before they even start going to school their roles are learned from their parents. Most parents buy boy toys for boys and girl toys for girls, thus forming the behavior to which their children will become accustom. According to Dale Baker (2001), "Teachers call on boys more often than girls, ask boys more higher-order questions, give boys more extensive feedback, and use longer wait-time with boys than girls"(p 1). What teachers do not realize is that this puts a big impact on girl’s self-esteem and learning skills. Also, it is not that girls dislike math and science but they "lose courage over time"(Bond, 2001, p 1). In addition, according to research done by the New England Consortium for Undergraduate Science Education (NEWCUSE, 1996), Men tend to respond to questions more confidently, aggressively, and quickly, regardless of the quality of their responses; they tend to speak more freely and spontaneously in class, formulating their answers as they speak. Women, on the other hand, tend to wait longer to respond to a question in class, choosing their words carefully, reflecting on the question and constructing an answer before they speak. (p 4) I feel this is because boys have the reputation of being rambunctious and wild, while girls are supposed... ...18/01). Butler Kahle, J., Damnjanovic, A. (1997). How Research Helps Address Gender Equity[online]. Available: http://narst.org/research/gender2.htm. (3/18/01) Kober, N. (2001). What special problems do girls face in science? What can schools And Teachers do?[online]. Available: http://www.enc.org/topics/equity/articles/documents/1,1946,ACQ-111315- 1315,00.shtm. (3/18/01). NECUSE Colleges, Students at Brown University. (1996). Achieving Gender Equity in Science Classrooms.[online]. Available: http://www.brown.edu/Administration/Dean_ Of _the_College/homepginfo/equity/Equity_handbook.html. (3/18/01). Perez,C. (2001). Equity in the Standards-Based Elementary Mathematics Classroom [online]. Available: http://www.enc.org/topics/equity/stories/documents/0,1946,FOC -001768-index,00.shtm. (3/18/01).

Monday, January 13, 2020

Constitution

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW TUTORIAL DISCUSSION 2 a) Discuss the fundamental difference between the provisional organic law and the ruling under Kaseng v Namaliu. The provisional laws are organic laws that were enacted before the constitution came into operation. The organic laws were enacted by the National Constituent Assembly before the Independence. According to section 266 of the constitution it states: (1) If before Independence Day the constituent assembly has made an instrument expressed to be a provisional organic law, the instrument takes effect, on Independence Day, as if it were an organic law made and coming into effect on that day. 2) If before Independence Day the constituent assembly has made an instrument expressed to be a provisional act of parliament made for the purpose of bringing any provision of this constitution into effective operation on Independence Day, as if it were an act of parliament made and coming into effect on that day. Therefore the provisional organic law s take its effect on the independence day of Papua New Guinea on the 16th of September 1975. The organic laws were adopted into the constitution and ‘force of laws’ were given to these provisional laws.Thus the provisional organic laws were enacted and came into operation together with the constitution since the constitution has to come into power first before it expressly authorised the organic laws as stated in section 12(1) (a) where it state; â€Å"an organic law is a law made by the Parliament in respect of a matter of provision for which by way of an organic law is expressly authorised by the constitution. † However in the case of Kaseng and Namaliu [1995] PNGLR 481 the premiere for western province Isidore kaseng on behalf of all premieres is arguing against the passing of constitutional amendment No 16.In this case the authorising law which is the constitutional amendment No 16 is not yet being enforced when they propose to amend the organic law on provin cial government, thus the passing of the OLPGLLG was referred to as void by kaseng because it is inconsistent with the constitution under section 12(1) (a). Therefore the fundamental difference between the situation in the ruling of kaseng v Namaliu and the provisional organic laws is that on the former case the enactment of the provisional law takes place at different times while the proposal law and constitutional Amendment 16 occur at the same time on the latter case. ) Discussion Discuss the case of NTN pty v The State [1986] PNGLR 167 In this case the contract was between the NTN pty the applicant and the State. Here the state went into an agreement with the NTN pty to start a commercial television station to an existing one. They agreed to start their broadcasting according to clause 4. 2 of their contract on 14 July 1986. The NTN pty limited then got itself a licence and venture into the business. However there was a change in the government on July 10 1986.The new government through the parliament exercised its legislative power under section 109(3) (b) and enforced a new parliamentary act the radiocommunication (television) regulation in 1986. This act prohibits the broadcast of television until 31st January 1988. Thus, from this cause the NTN pty filed a case against the validity of the act. The state claim that the electromagnetic spectrum is within the borders of PNG and so no one has the right to access it since it’s the property of PNG unless given permission.The state further on to claim that the act made is not against the fundamental right to freedom and expression and publication. Therefore the NTN pty applied to the national court pursuant to section 57 of the constitution claiming its right to the freedom of information under section 46 of the constitution. Thus the situation went into appeal to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court held that the Act was unconditional since it did not comply with section 38 and it also violet the a pplicant’s right to publish and broadcast information under section 46 of the constitution. (c) Discussion i) How the constitution can be altered as specified under section 13 According to section 13 of the constitution it states â€Å"this constitution may be altered only by law made by the Parliament that- (a) Is expressed to be a law to alter this constitution; and (b) Is made and certified in accordance with section 14 (making of alterations to the constitution and organic laws). Therefore section 13 clearly state that to make alteration to the constitution the law must be expressly authorised by the constitution and also it must in accordance and certified with section 14 of the constitution.Section 14 provides with the steps to follow before a proposed law is introduced into the parliament. When it enters the parliament the speaker will then certify that law in the parliament. Thus to alter the proposed law to the constitution by the parliament that same formality must be followed with the support of the majority of votes as stated in section 17 of the constitution. (ii) In the making of alteration of the constitution and the organic laws under section 14 and 17 of the constitution, the procedure the parliament has to follow is firstly to propose a law to alter the constitution or organic law.Since these are no ordinary laws the laws must be carefully supported by a majority of vote as stated in section 17 of the constitution whereby it states â€Å" subject to this section, in relation to a proposed law to alter a provision of this constitution the prescribed majority of votes for the purpose of section 14 ( making of alterations to the constitution and the organic laws) is the majority of votes prescribed by this constitution in relation to that provision, or if no majority is prescribed a two third majority vote. However the parliament must debate this proposed law during different meetings of the parliament and separated in time by at least two months as stated in section 14 (2) (a) (b). further on section 14 (2) (b) state â€Å"†¦the proposed law must be published by the speaker in full in the National Gazette, and calculated, in accordance with the standing of the parliament, to all members of the parliament not less than one month before it is formally introduced into the parliament. When the proposed law finally circulated to all members of the parliament then the speaker will announce under the National seal and according to the parliament standing orders section 100, when the procedure is complete the new law will then come into operation. Therefore the alteration to the constitution and organic law can be done at this stage. Bibliography Kwa E . L, 2008, Constitutional law of Papua New Guinea, UPNG Press, PNG, p. 27. Kwa E .L, 2001, PAPUA NEW GUINEA CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, UPNG Printery, PNG, p. 10. PNG Law Report. UNIVERSITY OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA CONSTITUTIONAL LAW TUTORIAL TWO NAME: LETIARA PELLIE ID NUMBER: 2 0131227 PROGRAM: LLB 1 TUTORIAL DAY: WEDNESDAY 5-6PM TUTOR: LECTURER: AFREN MENEI DUE DATE: 22/03/13 ——————————————– [ 1 ]. Kwa E L 2008 Constitutional Law of Papua New Guinea UPNG press PNG p27 [ 2 ]. PNG Law report [ 3 ]. Kwa L E 2001, PAPUA NEW GUINEA CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, UPNG Printery PNG p, 10.

Sunday, January 5, 2020

The Spring Of 1865 And Its Impact On Society - 897 Words

The spring of 1865 would mark a change in society because the Civil War had just ended; the North had won victory over the South. The time period after the war ended would be known as the Reconstruction Era, which would last until 1877. During this time, America would try to bring an angered South back into the Union, and transform ex-slaves into equal citizens. After the Reconstruction Era, the Gilded Age emerged. The word Gilded means to be covered up with a gold leaf or paint. This is exactly how this time can be described because many of the social problems that existed were masked over with the new profound wealth that America had. The culture of America would begin to move from a rural, agricultural lifestyle to an urban, overcrowded lifestyle. The new urban lifestyle would lead into the Progressive Era, which began in 1890. This time period had progressives who wanted to reform and regulate their capitalist society, not destroy it (Shi and Tindall 706). As time got closer to 1 929, the society became more equitable because women began to gain their rights, racial issues began to subside, and consumer consumption began the New Era. During the time between the Reconstruction Era through the beginning of the Gilded Age, many women were under-educated. The Gilded Age helped grow the middle-class. As the middle-class began to grow the female presence in the workforce began to grow as well. This was partly because the women were beginning to gain access to education;Show MoreRelatedThe Battle Of The American Civil War998 Words   |  4 PagesThe American Civil War was fought from April 12th 1861 to May 9th 1865 to mark the bloodiest clash in American history. The civil war started as a result of differences between the free and slave states over the authority of the national government to outlaw slavery in the Southern states. The economy of the northern states had modernized and industrialization had taken root. 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